The People' and the French Revolution Professor Gwynne Lewis In his anti-catholic and anti-'communist' History of the French RevolutionJules Michelet romanticised and idealised 'the People' as the embodiment of la nation, endowed with the virtues of equality and justice; just as for Karl Marx who was writing his Communist Manifesto at precisely this time the proletariat would also be the hope of the future, the carriers of post-capitalist truth and morality. Michelet's History is still well worth reading as, indeed, is the work of his English contemporary, Thomas Carlyle whose French Revolution is probably the most original and brilliant of all the histories of the French Revolution. For Michelet, 'the People' - this undifferentiated, mass of the French nation - are, in many ways, the driving-force of the Revolution.
When the Estates General of in France was convened in May—June at the Palace of Versaillesthe club, originated as the Club Bretonwas composed exclusively of a group of Breton representatives attending those Estates General. At this time, meetings occurred in secret, and few traces remain concerning what took place or where the meetings were convened.
All citizens were allowed to enter, and even foreigners were welcomed: Jacobin Club meetings soon became a place for radical and rousing oratory that pushed for republicanism, widespread education, universal suffrage, separation of church and state, and other reforms.
The club's objectives were defined as such: To discuss in advance questions to be decided by the National Assembly. To work for the establishment and strengthening of the constitution in accordance with the spirit of the preamble that is, of respect for legally constituted authority and the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen.
To correspond with other societies of the same kind which should be formed in the realm. At the same time the rules of order of election were settled, and the constitution of the club determined.
There was to be a president, elected every month, four secretaries, a treasurer, and committees elected to superintend elections and presentations, the correspondence, and the administration of the club.
Any member who by word or action showed that his principles were contrary to the constitution and the rights of man was to be expelled. By 10 August there were already one hundred and fifty-two affiliated clubs; the attempts at counter-revolution led to a great increase of their number in the spring ofand by the close of the year the Jacobins had a network of branches all over France.
At the peak there were at least 7, chapters throughout France, with a membership estimated at a half-million or more. It was this widespread yet highly centralised organization that gave to the Jacobin Club great power.
Numbers of men were member of two or more of such clubs.
Women were not accepted as members of the Jacobin Club nor of most other clubsbut they were allowed to follow the discussions from the balconies. The rather high subscription of the Jacobin Club confined its membership to well-off men. The Jacobins claimed to speak on behalf of the people but were themselves not of 'the people': From the start, however, other elements were also present.
They did not support the petition of 17 July for the king's dethronementbut instead published their own petition calling for replacement of king Louis XVI. Disdainfully, Robespierre addressed those Jacobin war promotors as 'the faction from the Gironde'; some, not all of them, were indeed from department Gironde.
The Assembly in April finally decided for war, thus following the ' Girondin ' line on it, but Robespierre's place among the Jacobins had now become much more prominent. These groups never had any official status, nor official memberships. The Mountain was not even very homogenous in their political views: But after JuneGirondins visited less and less the Jacobin Club, where Robespierre, their fierce opponent, grew more and more dominant.
A few weeks later, after the Prussians broke through French lines, sans-culottes invaded the Paris prisons and massacred at least 1, men and women accused of counter-revolution. Sans-Culotte Power within the Paris sections of - its social composition, dynamics, and ideology -.(1) That is what was explored in the book The Sans-Culotte. Albert Soboul describes and outlines the composition and activities of the different sections in Paris during Revolutionary France. lausannecongress2018.com - Buy The Sans-Culottes - The Popular Movement and Revolutionary Government, book online at best prices in India on lausannecongress2018.com Read The Sans-Culottes - The Popular Movement and Revolutionary Government, book reviews & author details and more at lausannecongress2018.com Free delivery on qualified lausannecongress2018.com: Albert Soboul, Remy Hall.
Some historians prefer to identify a parliamentary group around Robespierre as Jacobins,   which can be confusing because not all Montagnards were Jacobin and their primal enemies, the Girondins, were originally also Jacobins.
By SeptemberRobespierre indeed had also become the dominant voice in the Jacobin Club.The Revolutionary Character of the French Revolution Robert Darnton anniversary of the Revolution in France will spend millions by the end of , erecting buildings, creating centers, producing concrete contemporary expressions of the from clothing: sans-culotte, one who wears trousers rather than breeches.
In fact, workers.
S urprisingly, there is no full-dress scholarly treatment of the day of 9 Thermidor. 14 The most thorough and probably still the most consulted account of exactly what happened in the city that day can be found in Albert Soboul's work on the sans-culotte movement during Year II (September –September ), published as long ago as The sans-culotte regarded publicity as their safeguard and revolutionary vigilance as a civic duty, of which the denunciation was a manifestation Hundreds of sans-culottes addressed the Legislative Assembly in February , reminding them of the importance of public sessions so that “the people should know who is not working or watching.
George Rudé's, The Crowd in the French Revolution () revealed the social composition and motives of the Parisian participants in the famous insurrectionary days (journées) of the Revolution; Albert Soboul's Les Sansculottes Parisiens de l'An 11 () analysed the social, economic, and political programmes of the sans-culotte elite which, for a limited period during the Terror, controlled the 48 .
Other sans-culotte groups were established including the Society of Revolutionary Women New Start Politics in France became divided between the moderate Girondins and the more radical Jacobins.
There was a sense of emergency among leading politicians in France in the summer of between the widespread civil war and counter-revolution.