All rights reserved to the author. In recent years, Victory Day has unfortunately acquired a not very pleasant tradition: But for whom is it necessary that the Russian soldier remain in the national memory not as a liberator and protector, but as a rapist and a robber? Those years generated a lot of rubbish … Not really.
It became increasingly evident that the Provisional Government stood not for the people but against the people, not for peace but for war, and that it was unwilling and unable to give the people peace, land or bread.
The explanatory work of the Bolsheviks found a fruitful soil. While the workers and soldiers were overthrowing the tsarist government and destroying the monarchy root and branch, the Provisional Government definitely wanted to preserve the monarchy.
On March 2,it secretly commissioned Guchkov and Shulgin to go and see the tsar. The bourgeoisie wanted to transfer the power to Nicholas Romanov's brother, Michael.
But when, at a meeting of railwaymen, Guchkov ended his speech with the words, "Long live Emperor Michael," the workers demanded that Guchkov be immediately arrested and searched. It was clear that the workers would not permit the restoration of the monarchy.
While the workers and peasants who were shedding their blood making the revolution expected that the war would be terminated, while they were fighting for bread and land and demanding vigorous measures to end the economic chaos, the Provisional Government remained deaf to these vital demands of the people.
Consisting as it did of prominent representatives of the capitalists and landlords, this government had no intention of satisfying the demand of the peasants that the land be turned over to them.
Nor could they provide bread for the working people, because to do so they would have to encroach on the interests of the big grain dealers and to take grain from the landlords and the kulaks by every available means; and this the government did not dare to do, for it was itself tied up with the interests of these classes.
Nor could it give the people peace. Bound as it was to the British and French imperialists, the Provisional Government had no intention of terminating the war; on the contrary, it endeavoured to take advantage of the revolution to make Russia's participation in the imperialist war even more active, and to realize its imperialist designs of seizing Constantinople, the Straits and Galicia.
It was clear that the people's confidence in the policy of the Provisional Government must soon come to an end.
It was becoming clear that the dual power which had arisen after the February Revolution could not last long, for the course of events demanded the concentration of power in the hands of one authority: It was true that the compromising policy of the Mensheviks and the Socialist-Revolutionaries still met with support among the masses.
There were quite a number of workers, and an even larger number of soldiers and peasants, who still believed that "the Constituent Assembly will soon come and arrange everything in a peaceful way," and who thought that the war was not waged for purposes of conquest, but from necessity— to defend the state.
Lenin called such people honestly-mistaken supporters of the war. These people still considered the Socialist-Revolutionary and Menshevik policy, which was one of promises and coaxing, the correct policy.
But it was clear that promises and coaxing could not suffice for long, as the course of events and the conduct of the Provisional Government were daily revealing and proving that the compromising policy of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks was a policy of procrastination and of hoodwinking the credulous.
The Provisional Government did not always confine itself to a covert struggle against the revolutionary movement of the masses, to backstairs scheming against the revolution.
It sometimes attempted to make an open assault on the democratic liberties, to "restore discipline," especially among the soldiers, to "establish order," that is, to direct the revolution into channels that suited the needs of the bourgeoisie.
But all its efforts in this direction failed, and the people eagerly exercised their democratic liberties, namely, freedom of speech, press, association, assembly and demonstration.
The workers and soldiers endeavoured to make full use of their newly-won democratic rights in order to take an active part in the political life of the country, to get an intelligent understanding of the situation and to decide what was to be done next.
After the February Revolution, the organizations of the Bolshevik Party, which had worked illegally under the extremely difficult conditions of tsardom, emerged from underground and began to develop political and organizational work openly.
The membership of the Bolshevik organizations at that time did not exceed 40, or 45, But these were all staunch revolutionaries, steeled in the struggle.
The Party Committees were reorganized on the principle of democratic centralism. All Party bodies, from top to bottom, were made elective.
When the Party began its legal existence, differences within its ranks became apparent. Kamenev and several workers of the Moscow organization, for example, Rykov, Bubnov and Nogin, held a semi-Menshevik position of conditionally supporting the Provisional Government and the policy of the partisans of the war.
Stalin, who had just returned from exile, Molotov and others, together with the majority of the Party, upheld a policy of no-confidence in the Provisional Government, opposed the partisans of the war, and called for an active struggle for peace, a struggle against the imperialist war.This investigation will contend to answer the question “To what extent was the Stalinist state established at the expense of the Soviet people”.
I . The Age of Anxiety, the age of the lost generation, was also an age in which modern Fascism and Totalitarianism made their appearance on the historical stage.
This full-text lecture discusses the origins and impact of totalitarian regimes in the s and 30s. Whether Stalin ever really supported Lenin’s NEP is essentially questioning whether Stalin intended manipulate the situation in the way that he did.
Speaking out in support of the NEP he claimed ‘Either we do it, or we shall be crushed’, referring to the need to compete with western industrial levels. Dictatorship and Totalitarian Regime Questions Edit Why was Stalin able to establish his dictatorship in Russia?
(June ) Why, by , had Stalin been able to impose totalitarian rule on the Soviet Union? 1. situation in the country after the february revolution. party emerges from underground and passes to open political work.
lenin arrives in petrograd. lenin's april theses. party's policy of transition to socialist revolution The course of events and the conduct of the Provisional Government daily furnished new proofs of the correctness of the Bolshevik line.
To what extent was the maintenance of power by Stalin a result of successful economic policies? General statement about Stalin coming into power after triumphing over oponents in and how he secured and maintained that power until his death in